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Ed. Note: This story on the
Chicago Freedom Movement
was written by Krys Net-man,
a native or Chicago‘s north
shore suburbs. She took a year
off from school to work on the
staff of Martin Luther King‘s
SCLC, in the slums of wmt
side Chicago. Krys spent the
previous summer working for
ﬁle American Friends Service
Committee in Watts, Calif.

By KRYS NEUMAN

Last fall, as this nation was
just beginning to recover from
its shock over the uprising
against cond‘tions in watts,
Caliiomia, civil rights workers
began gathering in the slums
or Chicago, with the intention
of creating a nonviolent move-
ment which would point out,
more constructively than did
Watts, the ghetto problems oi
the northern city.

Why Chicago Picket

Martin Luther King's South-
em Christian Leadership Con-
ference sent its workers to
Chicago, rather than Los An-
geles. or some other city, for
two reasons: An abundance oi
civil rights and church groups
were already struggling with
the problems there and the
Daley Democratic machine
had the power to change con-
ditions quickly and efficiently
if ending slums ever became
the politically expedient thing
to do.

Today, one year later, it is
evident that Mayor Daley and
oLher City leaders do respond
favorably to some or the issua
brought out by the Movement.
but it is not SB clear that their
committments (on open occu-
pancy, for instance) will be
realized or whether they mere

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Iy look good on paper, Further,
tlle demonstrations in various
white communities surrounding
the slums, including the Cicero
demonstration of this week.
have proved to the nation that
Negroes cannot find housing out-
side the ghetto as the situation
stands, but protests have not
brought out important urban
problems such as unemploy-
ment, inferior education and
living conditions, and lack oi
political representation.

Indeed, the northern urban
crisis is so complex and an
times nebulous that trying to
solve it is a frustrating chal:
lenge for the civil rights worka
er with a southern orientation.

The staff of the Southern
Christian Leadership Confer
ence was equipped primarily
for action in the South. Many
of the workers had come from
Alabama, where organizing
people into a movement meant
driving from town to town and
arranging rallies with Dr. Mar-
tin Luther King. ,

Organizing Difficult

In Chicago, the radical, young
Reverend James Bevel direct-
ed the operations of the field
staff as well as the field work
ers of the West Side Christian
Parish. Dr. King, himself, did
not move to Chicago until Jan-
uary, and, even the, organizing
was slow and frustrating work.
Mass demonstrating, the tactic
that pulls people together
quickly, was impossible in the
cold winter.

In the early stages of the
Movement in Chicago, many
hours were spent in staff dis
cussions on the many forces
that create slums and on the
single issue that would move
people to work to end them,

MARCHERS kneel before a Gage Park (soulhwesf Chl-
cago suburb) real estate cities. The prayer vigil was
held to protest the firm': discrimindhory policies.

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alt Black Ghetto

 

 

 

 

 

CHICAGO marchers applaud Reverend James Bevel, a Chicago Project Director at
SCLC, at a mass meeting. Aitar a series at freedom matches, the mesl’ing was held
tar evaluation and to plan tutors astivitier.

What Makes Ghetto

The staff found that once
southern Negroes moved into
northern ghettos the pattern
at poverty and discrimination
kept them conhned there.
Since education in the ghetto is
inferior, residents have limit-
ed joh potential. Slum dwellers
oiten exist on modest welfare
Checks or'low income wages.
Without the income, adequate
housing is out at the question.
The vicious circle is complete
because low income housing
areas generally have your
schools.

Breaking up the ghetto ap-
peared to be the only way to
terminate the recurring pat-
tern.

Housing seemed to be the
Common denominator; anyone
who lives in the ghetto lives
in a slum Even those Negroes
with money to move to n nicer
area were refused entrance.
And staying in the ghetto does
not mean Cheaper housing be-
cause rents are inflated about
fifteen per cent above done in
white neighborhoods. Although
slum dwellers pay higher
rents, the money usually does
not go toward building im-
provemenls.

Tenants Take Control

The Idea behind a lenaiils'
union is that organized tenants
would have the power to with-
hold their rents and to use [his
money for repairs if the [and
lord did not get the work do!
on his own. it necessary, the
building might have to move out
of the hands of the owner
and be put in ti‘usleeshlp, prob-
ably lo a bank.

End Slums Union

The union was begun in East
Garfield Park, a section of
Chicago's West Side. It was
called the Union to End Slums
and was divided into eight geo-
graphical areas, called Locals.
About three Staff members
were assigned to work with
community people in organiz-
ing each Local. The task was
monumental as there were
thousands of family units in
each Local, Neither staff nor
community leaders had the ex-
perience needed tor this level
of organizing.

Some staff members learned

iiilti‘ iiil:ttii:lt:

that they were better equipped
to work with gang youth or in
the office while others stayed
out in the ﬁeld. High school
and college students irom all
over Chicago helped partrtime.
In the summer, sortie college
students lived with neighbol‘«
hood families and worked for
the Union at subsistance pay,
The YMCA and church groups
had special grants to support
them, Thanks to these summer
volunteers operations could he
stepped up temporarily.

Demands on City

In June, warm w e a th e r
brought the expectation or
demonstrations, so the Union
presented its demands about
ending slums to the city.
Thirty - live to forty thousand
marched with Martin Luther
King to post the demands on
the door or City hall.

With thousands or marchers.
a real Chicago Freedom Move-
merit began. The emphasis or
“End Slums" activities shifted
to white neighborhoods to test
one of the demands » open
occupancy. White and Negro
workers Visited realtors in
while neighborhoods, asking to
see “lor sale" listings. When it
was clearly established that, in
a given neighborhood, the white
worker could do business but
the Negro was turned away,
that area became the Site of all
open occupancy march. Re.
peated matches, in about five
different neighborhoods, were
necessary beiore Dr. King
could elicit promises from City
OfiiClalS and the Real Eslale
Board that Movement demands
would be met. These \veie
made only alter many maiclt
crs had been injured by mobs
or white hecklers, screaming
and hurling rocks, bollles and
cherry bombs.

Hostility in North
Following one match, pic~
tures of Dr. King, staggering
from a thrown brick, appeared
on front pages all over the
country. Allerwal‘ds, Dr, King
said, “I thought there Woilld
be hostilityi But I never expect-
ed anything like this. i have
never seen such hate — not in

Mississippi or Alabama."
Some Negro groups in Chic-
ago ieel that Dr. King "sold

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out" to the City; that the pro
mises he received are meaning-
less and ~ or limited, These
groups, like the CORE march-
ers in Cicero, say they will
continue to march on dieir own.

Many thousands of Chicago's
Negroes have not responded at
all to the nonViolent movement.
In the middle of the summer.
Chicago's West Side ghetto.
like so many others across the
nation, broke out in violent
racial discord.

Broader Issues Soon

SCLC's year in Chicago has
definitely been fruitful, how
ever, and the organization has
plans to stage future demon-
strations. The staff aims not to
overlook the weltare, employ-
ment and educational problems
in the tight for decent housing.

Then. also, the Union to
End Slums is growing daily as
more buildings join the active
Locals and as more tenants re<
eeive bargaining rights in cons
tracts with their landlords.

At die present time, there are
ﬁve new Unions all over the
City or Chicago. Two Unions
on the West Side, the East
Garfield Union to End Slums
and the Lawndale Union are
beginning a massive rent strike
against one slum owner with
many holdings in both areas
who will not [ix his buildings,
rlor sign a contract. All six
unions recently began holding
some common meetings to
shale problems and discuss
structure and tactics.

JAMES BEVEL displays
Noll placard no rally.

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