By RICHARD ANTHONY

Collegiate Press Service
‘ WASHINGTON — The Ger.
[nan SDS (Solialistischer Deut-
sheer Studentenbund) Is a lot
like the American group with
the same initials, but its mem-
bers are more radical, more
organized and less associated
with a “love" kind of culture
than their American counter-
parts.

That’s the way three German
SDSers, on tour in this country
after attending the University
Christian Movement conference
In Cleveland last month, de-
cribed their organization here
lhis week. The three are all
students at the Free University
or Berlin. They answered ques
’tions about 5135 and Germany
'during a discussion at the ln-
stitute for Policy Studies, on
Independent research institute
in Washington.

Lutz Von Werder, one of the
Itudents, described the develop-
ment of Germany’s SDS Irom
a youth wing or the Social

SCARLET AND ILACK

DIFFERENT NAME - SAME BAG

Democratic Party (one ol Ger-
many's two major parties) into
an independent organization of
2,500 West German students,

According to Werder, a group
IJI about 50 students decided to
make a study of socialist and
Marxist thought in 1961. After
three years of study, they
formed SDS. Thls period of
study, says Werder, has meant
that “SDS has a strong theo«
retical position.” Even now the
organization requires all mem~
hers to take part in seminars
on political theory.

Berlin is the main center 01
SDS, and it has been the scene
of most of the student protests
to date Unlike IE counterpart
in the 1.7.5., the German stu-
dent group has until recently
been more concerned with what
other countries are doing than
with strictly national aliairs.

Reinholdt Wolff, a brother of
one oi the 5135 leaders, said
that protests last year centered
around the visits of Ioreign dig.
nitaries to Berlin. When Vice

THE GERMAN SDS

President H u m p h r e y was
scheduled to arrive last April,
for example, a group of students
decided to employ tactics like
those oi the Dutch Proves.
"They planned to throw pud-
ding at the Vice President,”
Woltl explained. “They were
going to throw some smoke-
bumbs, and then under cover
of the smoke to throw the
pudding." West Berlin unthon:
ties got wind of the plan, how-
ever, and arrested the students
before they could carry it oil.
A iew students, however, did
throw some eggs and tomatoes
at him.

(In spite of the use of provo
tactics and the tact that some
Berlin students live in Kam-
munes, which are similar to
hippie communities hero, SDS
and German students generally
have no connection with hippie
phenomena like drugs, “drop-
ping out" and psychedelic
dress.)

The visit of the Shah of Iran
early last June led to a clash

between students and the police
in which a policeman shot one
student, and other police bru.
tally beat several other pro-
testers.

The excesses of the police
won considerable support {or
the participating students irom
uncommitted students at the
Free University, and from Ber.
liners generally. The case of
one student arrested for throw-
lng a stone at the police, Fritz
Teuicl, became a cause oelebrc
in the city.

Teulel was eventually ao-
quitted, Before being released
tram jail, though, he managed
to participate in the anti-war
eiiorts on October zl by typing
up leaflets in his cell and dis-
tributing them to the prisoners.
Wolff said some of Teufel’s
leaﬂets carried the legend,
“The prisoners of West Berlin
affirm their solidarity with the
Viet Cong."

Germany's SDS is beginning
to concentrate more on devel-
opments within Germany than

rim-y I0. I95.

It has In the past, according
to Wolii. Two present targets
are the emergency laws, which
the Bonn government is ate
tempting to pass to deal with
civil disorders, and the Free
University. To attack the lat-
ter, students have set up a
Kritisches Universitat—critical
university —- that is similar to
free universities here, although
probably more politically ori-
ented than its American coun-
tel-parts,

In the long run, though, the
three students made clear that
their goal Is to bring about not
only recognition ol East Ger‘
many, but also a socialist rea
gime in West Germany They
feel Germany faces a new
emergence oi iascism, and they
suggest that the fact that a co-
alition government is now in
power is a sign ol the dimin-
ishing effectiveness of the Bonn
government.

"The grand coalition," Wolff
explains, “is a slip toward the
revolt oi the middle classes.“

' ‘ ’ ' INTERNATIONAL DISPATGH ° ' ' ' NEWSFEATIIRES ° ' ' ' INTERNATIONAL DISPATGH ° ' ’

By DAVID SALTMAN

JERUSALEM (CPS) — In all
the analysis or the Middle
East spawned by the Six Day
,War, everyone has ignored a
most critical question: what is
the relationship between “Arab
Socialism” and the “Israeli
Cooperative Movement?"

Israel's economy is largely
sociali . on per cent of its ln<
Idustry and do per cent of its
agriculture are run exclusively
by 288 co-operatives called
"kibbutzim," The kibbutzim are
the most advanced socialist
societies in the world. They use
no money or physical rewards;
everyone works according to
his ability and is taken care
of according to his needs.
There is no private property.
In short, one kibbutzim is the
Marxist ideal. the high gargelo-
rum nl social organization and
above all a system that works
III the Middle East.

Now recall that the Six Day
War—from the Arab side—was
I socialist war. The Arabs (ought
to counter alleged Israeli ag<
gression, which they claim has
grown steadily since 1955. Many
kibbutzim have Arabs working
on them—Arabs who live there
with their Israeli comrades.
During and alter the Six Day
War. the Arabs deliberately
bombed Kibbutz water towers
and power plants.

So tha Arab states are try-
log to build socialism by con-
demning Israel~which has the
most complete socialist units in
the World. Arab leaders are in
the unenviable position or sup-
porting Arah socialism while
condemning Israeli socialism
and bombing socialist com-
munities with Arab members.

Curiously the solution to this
paradox also solves the prob-
lem of a lasting peace in the

Mideast. First, some back-
ground.

It is increasingly clear that
the Six Day War was not really
a war started by the Arabs and
the Israelis, but rather by the
United States and the Soviet
Union. Robert Scheer discusses
this in the November issue of
Ramparts. He writes:

“The Mideast contains be
tween so and as per cent oi the
world's pI‘DVBll oil resources,
and at the moment accounts
for a quarter of the world’s
current production. . . All the
Arab dreams Ior the eventual
development or this region cena
ter in one way or another on
the utilization of this oil once
it is ireed from Western ex-
ploitation. For this reason, ‘Ar—
ab unity- is the here noire or
those Western powers that hava
had their own way in oil exploi<
tation. For if a real Arab nation
should ever come into being,
It would demand the return or
Its birthright. This is the threat
at Nassen‘sm.

“. . . In the post~Suez period,
the main Anglo-American con-
corn with Nasser resulted from
his leap into the oilrrich Arabian
south where, through the ve-
hicle oi the Yemen war, he
has become a direct threat to
the feudal regime of Saudi
Arabia, and the oil-rich scheik-
doms of that area.

“. , ,neither the British nor
the Americans have been wor-
rylng about. . . moral and
cultural issues (in the Yemen
War), It is, rather, the presence
or a Nasserite, antiacolonialist
thrust in southern Arabia, Where
much of the oil is found, that
disturbs the West."

It disturbs the kibbutzniks
that it disturbs the West. They
seem to be the only Israelis

A NEW HOIY WAR

who aren’t so happy about the
recent war. Being quite liter-
ate, and also socialist, they
recognize Scheer’s thesis that
oil interests, coupled with a
“frantically spiraling arms
race," caused the June war, not
the Arab "madmen." Even
though they’re Israelis, the kib-
blltziliks realize that Nasser has
been an enemy oi the West ever
Since he Conceived his socialist
programs to help the wretched
“feliahin” in Egypt and since
he dared to try to muscle in
on the Western oil monoply in
Saudi Arabia.

The members of the kibbut-
zim applaud Nasser's etiorts w
relieve his internal agonies by
trying to revolutionize Arab
politics. But they just snoot at
the “Palestine" smoke screen
used by Arabs as well as ls-
raelis to cover up the gut
problem in this area: again,
the inﬂuence of the U.S. and the
U. .S.R. In short, they know
where it's at.

So there are three questions
to answer before we can see
the road to peace:

—Can we get rid at for-
eign iniluence in the
Middle East?

—Do the Arabs and Is-
raelis want peace?
—What could be the basis
for a lasting peace?

As to the tirst—loreign in-
fluence—that is mostly up to the
Soviet Union and the United
States. . . and their citizens.

Do the Arabs and Israelis
want peace? There have been
some hopeful signs lately. Je-
rusalem Post special reporter
Dan Bavly writes:

“For the first time, the
thought oi coming to terms with
an Israel Government willing
to discuss the establishment or
a Palestinian Autonomy thas

become) a possible alternative
(IOI' the Arabs). . , .

“The Palestine Arab at the
and of 1967 is gradually read-
justing himseli alter the shock
of the Arab defeat In June. He
is beginning to accept the fact
that Israel will remain a m2<
jor influence (in the Middle
East). . . Though still tar irom
enthusiastic, most Arabs on the
West Bank agree that their
best bet would be to try to
negotiate peaceiully with the
Israeli Government rather than
prolong the IsraelivArab con<
fiict."

So at least Israel's power is
being acknowledged, and at
best the Arabs are willing to
coexist peaceiully with the
Jews. ,

Now the third question: what
could the basis he {or a lash
ing peace? Stephens writes:

“President Nassers' most re-
spected adviser on Ioreign at-
Iairs envisages a settlement in
two stages. In the first stage
there could be a phased with-
drawal of Israeli forces ac-
companied by steps to clear
the Suez Canal and measures
to Insure Israeli security.

“These would include demil—
Itarized areas on both sides of
the borders, occupied by UN
forces The Arabs would rec.
ognize Israel’s existence and
her security within the pie-June
frontiers. There frontiers would
be quaranteed by the Great
Powers so that the Arabs would
be ‘punished’ if they tried to
attack Israel.

“In this first stage, the bor-
ders would be , . . ‘secul‘ed.'
In the second stage would
come the negotiation of ‘rec-
ognized' borders and with it
the other broader aspects of
the Palestine question, the set<
tiement ot the refugee problem

and the passage of ships flying
the Israeli ﬂag through the
Suez Canal.

“. . the Jordan Govemment
is prepared to grant Israel ere
traaterritorial control or the
Wailing Wall and of the access
to it—What would amount in
etiect to ceding part of the Old
City of Jerusalem to Israel. In
addition, Jordan would accept
international supervision OI the
Holy Places.”

Naturally, this Will be nego‘
tiated. Israel will not under any
circumstances give up the Go-
lan Heights, on the border with
Syria, and Jerusalem may be
internationalized. But there is
surprising agreement between
these Arab proposals and those
finding wide acceptance in Is-
rael. Many Israelis are quite.
willing to return, with the ex-
ception of the Golan Heights,
the land captured in June. The
point is, though, that, contrary
to popular beliei. both sides
want to negotiate.

The important question—the
one which knits together Arab
and Israeli socialisms—is the
question at the future.

There are various conceptions
kicking around a m o n g the
Arabs, ranging from minimal
relations to a Middle East Fed-
eration with Israel as an au-
tonomous Jewish member. But
for some reason, no one has
mentioned the strongest and
most eitective plan: one which
not only ejects the Great pow.
ers but also capitalizes on the
common aims of Israelis and
Arabs. This is a socialist Mid-
east federation.

There is a clear basis, in the
kibbulzim, for a joint Arab-
Israeli experiment ill Mideast
socialism. It will be the great-
est irony oi all it Israelis help
make the Arab revolution.

 

